Arab Images Foundation News

Mogadishu, the Somali capital. Food crisis, insecurity, corruption and bankruptcy of a country

Fri, 18 May 2012 05:34:28 -0700

After the withdrawal from Mogadishu of the al Shabaab rebels, Somalia finds itself in an apocalyptic situation. Drought, famine, bankruptcy � 12.4 million people are affected throughout the Horn of Africa. The UN has declared a state of famine throughout Somalia and in the capital. At the hospital of Benaadir in Mogadishu, seven children die each day from malnutrition, cholera, and malaria. Over 4 million Somalis are living in distress, 750,000 could die in the next four months.

The crisis reached a critical level in Somalia after 20 years of civil war and clan conflicts. Part of the country is controlled by al Shabaab, Islamist allies of Al-Qaeda, and part by militias affiliated with the "transitional government,� which has struggled to take control and provide services. General poverty affects 73 percent of households, but it reached 80 percent in rural and nomadic populations. The Somalis are facing their worst humanitarian crisis in eighteen years.

The Islamist movement Al Shabaab prevents the delivery of
food aid, partly to divert it to their advantage, but also for ideological reasons: they are wary of any Western influence.

In government-controlled areas, goods are taxed and diverted by opportunistic businessman to be sold. The humanitarian NGOs working on "remote control" are leaving 80 percent of the goods in the hands of what is essentially a local mafia network. It is not uncommon for traders to resell the food bags of the international community on the capital markets. The situation is complicated and disturbing.

In the market, food is available but too expensive. Rice and
water have become unaffordable for families who have steadily depleted their savings over the months. For some foods, inflation is over 300 percent.

Gulf countries are now sending their own NGO representatives, determined to invest in the country on their own terms. Suitcases of banknotes in hand, and delivering tons of food, they try to show their support for fellow Muslims. In exchange for the aid, they hold prayer services in Arabic (Somalis do not speak Arabic, but Somali) on vacant lots for displaced people and promote a prayer "for the rain that falls at our feet quickly.� The rainy season starts in November.

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LIbya Tajoura, a rebellious town

Fri, 18 May 2012 05:34:28 -0700

March 1, 2011

By: Caroline Poiron / Tripoli

For Der Spiegel

Translated by Alice Hackman

In the outskirts of Tripoli, terror rages these days. Its inhabitants are burying the dead.

Today, it�s the case of Abdulhafid al-Musrathi, shot dead in the road after Friday prayers. Thousands of men came to the gravesite to present their condolences to his family. Men cry. The presence of journalists does not appease their anger. "Ghaddafi out!� they repeat incessantly.

They soon find themselves in the main square, where they cry out their distress. The Libyan flag flies up above the destroyed portrait of their leader. A few hundreds people have gathered and clearly show their support for the revolution that has already gained ground in the east. "Free Libya� and "Yes we can� are only some of the slogans graffitied on the walls around the square.

The youth become animated when they see the journalists arrive. They rush to tell them that Qhaddafi "would be much better off in his grave.� They dance around the cameras, shouting with joy, without worrying what will happen once night falls. With no regard to each other, the inhabitants talk.

An old man approaches me to say that he is worried. His son disappeared three days ago. He has not heard any news and he is scared. He wants to know the truth. "My son has disappeared,� he says.

Another man, Azud, approaches me: "My best friend was taken away last night by the police. They came in 15 cars to his house. They took him away by force, hitting him. They asked who he had called and why. He turned up again two days later by chance, having been helped by the government. But I ask you, who from the government got him out? Why did the government let him out and not the others? People have disappeared. Where are they?�

A woman was shot in the head and killed while she was at home alone. "They even kill the women! We are not terrorists, we are not Al Qaeda!� he cries.

Worry settles. Terror reigns.

Since the age of 42, Moammar al-Ghaddafi had reigned in Lybia with an iron fist. Now, after the Tunisian and Egyptian revolutions, Libya is ablaze. The uprising started on February 17, on the birthday of the Prophet Mohammed, but only reached the town of Tajura in the district of Tripoli a few days later.

"There have been at least 20 dead and 300 who have disappeared,� says Mohammed, a young blogger who I meet in the city square. "The wounded who were evacuated to hospital were killed or taken somewhere and we still don�t know where. Nobody knows where they are.�

The hospital has been the target of shooting. Doctors are said to have fled the scene scared that they would be killed. Instead, they treat patients in their homes in secret.

Azud adds: "I wanted to go and give blood at the hospital because they had run out. The police raided the hospital. There was blood missing. They stopped us from approaching.�

During this improvised gathering, cars continued to circulate. One of them, with a portrait of Moammar Ghaddafi on the windscreen, is stopped. The crowd surrounds the car. Anger is fast to brew among the revolutionaries. They rip off the portrait and insult the frightened driver. But before they can take his car, he flees as full speed.

Ghaddafi�s portrait will be burnt and trodden on by the crowd.

On the main square, at dusk, the crowd rapidly disperses after the journalists leave. One by one, they scatter. At the roundabout near the edge of the town, the police wait, ready to intervene at nightfall. It�s their time for action now. Security force cars patrol the neighborhood of Tajura. Inhabitants stay inside, scared that if they go out they be killed.

Some leave me their telephone numbers. I gather photos on memory cards that are discreetly slipped into my hand before the square empties. Text messages are blocked by the government so it�s with Skype, and with many phone calls, that I make appointments for the next day.

When I arrive the next morning, the square of Tajura has become pro-Ghaddafi again. His green flag has replaced the Libyan flag.The walls have been repainted, yesterday�s graffiti sloppily brushed over with red or green paint, as if to erase all signs of a revolt. The men of the popular committees affiliated to the state organize themselves to silence the protesters.

On their side, the Ghaddafi regime is using text messages. They inform the population via text that they are allowed 500 dinars each, and the queues at the booths are never-ending. The Libyan leader�s regime is trying to buy itself back into favor.

In front of the mosque, an old man approaches me. "My son is wounded. He is at home.� He wants to take me to see him. Very soon, we see two cars following us. The man becomes scared, and breathes with increasing difficulty. The guardians of the roads, informers in civilian clothes, are everywhere to report any gatherings and to stop journalists from recording accounts of the repression. We will not be able to talk to his wounded son. At a street corner, the old man throws himself of the car. He flees, disappearing out of our sight. Ghaddafi�s regime is nowhere near falling yet.

Leaving Tajura, I see Azud and his friends again. They are gathered around a group of journalists and call us. "Are you scared of us? You can trust us. We are normal people. We only want our freedom. We are not scared to talk to you.We are not doing anything bad by talking to you. We are not scared of bullets either. We don�t have any weapons. We are only scared of one thing: not to be able to free our country. We have to stay discreet. Come back tomorrow, alone without your Libyan chauffeur, and we will show you everything, the whole truth.�

Far away from Benghazi, Tajura is still in the hands of the regime.

Fear changes sides in Tunisia

Fri, 18 May 2012 05:34:28 -0700

KASSERINE, INSIDE THE TUNISIAN REVOLUTION. CHRONIC from the 13th to the 18th of January 2011.

By Caroline Poiron

The town of Kasserine lies near the Algerian border, in the shadow of Jebel ech Chambi, Tunisia's highest peak. The blood spilt here over one weekend in January transformed what had been a regional uprising into a genuinely nationwide movement.

It was the massacring of protesters in the center of the country that pushed the Tunisian middle classes into the streets.

The bloodshed lasted from January 8-12. Under pressure from protesters and the military, President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali was forced to call an end to the shooting of protesters. At least 21 people were killed with live ammunition in Kasserine and Thala between January 8 and 12, according to Human Rights Watch.

On the 13th of January, I arrived with a French television team in the city of Kasserine. Stores were closed, and the army was positioned in a protective cordon around administration buildings. Our first stop was at the Court of Justice, to visit with lawyers. They were happy to see journalists, the first ones in a very long time. They described to us the terrible scene that had happened three days ago and told us that they too had been targeted while demonstrating.

Many people heard about our arrival and came outside to meet us. Some came directly up to us and showed us the bloody shirts worn by victims of the massacre by the police. During the uprising, the police were called up for duty. Some were used as snipers or to commit acts of vandalism, while others feigned pro-Ben Ali protests, such as the one on the night of Ben Ali's speech.

At the hospital, three days after the massacre, doctors were still dealing with the wounded. Family members cried over the deaths of loved ones.

On the 14th of January, Former Tunisian President Zain El-Abedine Ben Ali quit office after 23 years in power and fled the country after handing over authority to his prime minister. In Kassserine, the young people celebrated the end of the regime in the streets, pulling down all symbols and monuments of Ben Ali's regime.

As the days pass in the city, the police and new elements, militia of the elite presidential guard are entrenched behind the National Guard building with all their arms. Just one day after the fall of Ben Ali, the population of Kasserine asked the military to arrest the snipers and send them to prison. Thousands of Tunisian were singing the National Anthem during the extradition of 45 police officers, members of what they called "the death squad". One militiaman wanted to flee with his arms but he was quickly stopped, beaten and arrested by a crowd, and handed over to the army. Fear had changed sides. A man hunt had begun. Police officers and regional business leaders were the new suspects and targets of looting by the inhabitants of Kasserine. Ali Gueriri, a businessman, industrialist and smuggler, was robbed and arrested on suspicion of hiding weapons and sheltering members of the Trebalsi family.
The day after that, the population liberated the prison and its 500 prisoners to celebrate the uprising and the subsequent fall of the regime. The prisoners fled home to their families.

At the "Public Café," prisoners and residents sit down and sip a coffee together. On top of the door of the coffee shop, you can read in Arabic "Café Public" written with the blood of the martyrs, the young ones who died for their freedom.

Hadeel Al Ramly winner of the 1st price of the UNRWA and the EU competition for young Palestinian photographers�

Fri, 18 May 2012 05:34:28 -0700

UNRWA today announced the results of its 2011 photo competition for young Palestinian refugees. In a ceremony in Ramallah to launch an exhibit that will travel to Lebanon, Gaza and Jordan, EU representative Christian Berger and UNRWA officials paid tribute to the photographic talent of the winners.

Organised by UNRWA and the European Union along the theme "What you don�t know about my life�, the competition was open to Palestinian refugees aged between 18 and 26 in all of the UN agency�s fields of operation: Lebanon, Syria, Gaza, the West Bank and Jordan. Young Palestinian refugees were invited to create a series of five photos that would give the viewer an insight into their life, such as the corners of their house, the alleys of their refugee camp, or the bustle of the town where they live.

Speaking at tonight�s ceremony, UNRWA Director of External Relations and Communications Magnus Lindell explained that the aim of the competition was to give a voice to the refugees served by UNRWA; to enable them to speak to the world about their lives, their dreams and aspirations, and to remind the world that they are still here.

All photo essays were judged by a panel compiled of professional photographers, UNRWA staff, and head of the photography department at Bir Zeit University, Rula Halawani. Having deliberated over nearly 100 entries from throughout the region, the panel awarded the first prize to 23-year-old Hadeel Al Ramli, for her portrayal of life in Gaza Womens� Prison. Unable to travel to the West Bank to pick up their prizes in person, Al Ramli and third-prize winner Abdel Rahim Abu Laban, from Yarmouk camp, Syria, sent video messages of thanks.

In a video watched by the crowd in Ramallah, Al Ramli explained the idea behind her photo story. "I focused on my life and the life of women in my society. All of us are living in a prison in Gaza, where the borders are closed on both sides � and the prison of social traditions, which limit the freedom of women in Gaza,� she said.

Winners
1st place: Hadeel Al Ramli,Gaza
2nd place: Khouloud al Ajarma, Aida camp, Bethlehem
3rd place: Abdel Rahim Abu Laban, Yarmouk camp, Syria

Honourable mentions
Wisam Salameh, Gaza
Rushdi Al Sarraj, Tel Al Hawwa, Gaza
Bilal al Talawi, Khan Younis, Gaza

For more information please contact:

Ilona Kassissieh
Public Information Officer
West Bank Field Office
Tel: 02 589 0408
Cell: 054 216 8717

Return to Gaza

Fri, 18 May 2012 05:34:28 -0700

Return to Gaza started in the Christmas of 1992 when Israel expelled 415 Palestinian men from Gaza into the no man�s land of Marj az-Zouhour in South Lebanon. They had been deported there by Israel, accused of being activists for Hamas and the other Islamic organizations born during the first Intifada (1987 to 1993).

In spring 1993, I flew out to Lebanon from Switzerland with Swiss reporter Andreas Dietrich. For almost two weeks, we stayed with these displaced Palestinians in the camp at Marj az-Zouhour. Among the tents, we discovered exiled academics who had started up a regionally recognized university, a prominent import-export businessman turned grocer, a doctor and fertility researcher, a lawyer and an imam.

At the end of 1993, some of the deported men returned home. The rest followed in the summer of 1994. It was a historical point in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. As PLO leader Yasser Arafat�s triumphantly returned to Palestine to head the new Palestinian self-rule authority in July 1994, Israel had for the first time accepted the return of expelled Palestinians.

In 1995, Andreas and I travelled to Gaza to cover the second part of these men�s story: their return to Gaza.

Seven days in Gaza showed us that Hamas was an important voice to be heard, one that would soon become a force to be reckoned with. In our reporting, as well as the book and exhibition that followed, we reflected this.

We invited the world to listen to Hamas, to consider a different point of view from the one presented by the PLO of Yasser Arafat.

It was a difficult project, both because of dealing with Islamist militants and being accused of defending terrorists in Europe and USA, but 11 years later, our prediction finally came true. Nowadays, some of the activists who returned to Gaza from Marj az-Zouhour have become important figures in Hamas.

Fadlalah Abu Taylakh, in charge of security at the camp in Marj az-Zouhour and whom I photographed with his daughter after he returned to Gaza, is now head of the police in Gaza. Mahmoud al-Zahar, then spokesperson for the Marj az-Zouhour exiles to the media, is now Minister of the Interior. Khaled Mash�al, another one of the exiles who was the exiles link to Syria and Hizbollah, never returned and is now Hamas representative in Damascus. Ismail Haniyeh, still a young doctor at the time of his exile, is now Hamas prime minister in the Gaza Strip.

Besides telling a story of exile and return, one that touches on the destiny the Palestinian people, Return to Gaza also witnesses the beginnings of this rise to power.

Samer Mohdad

War Children, Lebanon 1985-1992

Fri, 18 May 2012 05:34:28 -0700

I met light for the first time. I don�t remember of course, but it seems to me that it was blinding.

Between a mother who was a poet, an intellectual and a writer, and a father who was an engineer, a man who was sensitive and passionate about nature and hunting, I lived the life of a child for almost eight years.

But in October 1973 I had a date with war.

A blue autumn sky, planes chasing each other between the clouds before crashing to the ground, parachutes, screaming sirens, ambulances on the road to Damascus, fleeing civilians, the smell of charred wood, metal mixed in with earth; this was war for me at the time. All these images that a child sees but does not understand.

Playing, I found not a wonderful toy in an attic, but a gun in a burnt-down flat.

Words and images from the television also echoed in my young head: Vietnam, Israel, conflict, war, the displaced, martyrs and victims. However much my mother explained to me that it was all no more than a travesty, I remained fascinated by what I didn�t understand. I sought out the company of the 12 year-old fighters, either children barely supervised by overly-engaged parents, or orphans.

Holidays that should have been carefree were disrupted by the announcement that the young sports teacher that I admired so much had died, a martyr shot down by a sniper. I later learnt that he had been killed in an argument over dividing the spoils of a raid.

Under the midday sun, a bomb assassinated two children just a few meters away from me. My family fled to Syria, Iraq and Egypt.

After our return, we lived through the horror of daily bombardments, the interminable wait for the shell to hit, the relief of the whistling that indicated that this time it was not for us, our illusions about the safety of the shelters, the vision of the bomb that pierced through the ceiling, spun at our feet but refused to explode, the din of the Israeli tanks.

I remember the column of bombed military trucks, their drivers glued to the wheel in frozen grins, as we carried a wounded man. Distracted by the first scenes of looting, we almost ran over a cadaver. When we arrived at the packed hospital, its corridors scattered with bodies and agonised relatives huddled, waiting.

I ended up, without my parents� knowledge, taking part in neighbourhood battles.

There were surreal images, such as those of fighters who, dead-drunk, awoke startled under a shower of steel as an Israeli attack resumed. The date with war was a meeting with the unbearable, the unutterable, the unrelatable.

These images now exist.

Taken between 1985 and 1992 in West Beirut, the mountains, the Beka� Valley and south Lebanon, the photographs that I took as part of the War Children series are my feelings and encounters as a child.

They are dedicated to the victims of all wars who died for what they believed was an ideal, in a world where justice, injustice, good and evil intersect in a commerce where innocents pay with their lives.

Samer Mohdad

News Photography a Second-Hand Profession?

Fri, 18 May 2012 05:34:28 -0700

News photographers in the Arab world are having a hard time making their living. Vague copyright laws and disrespect for the profession are major obstacles, with their work rarely being considered a fundamental element of journalistic work.

By Alexandra Sandels - APN

Whenever Samer Mohdad, photographer and CEO of the Beirut-based photo archival agency Arab Images Foundation, opens the newspaper and finds his own pictures randomly appearing in the paper without credit, it is no surprise to him. "There have been several times where my work has been featured in Arab publications without my consent," said Mohdad to APN.

He even recalls a few occasions where publications copied and scanned pictures from books containing his photos. All to avoid payment, according to Mohdad.

"Paying photographers for their work should not be optional in any way," John Perkins, a British freelance photographer based in Cairo told APN. He added that he has had his pictures published in several prominent Cairo-based publications but that only one of them has actually paid him for his work so far. The other papers promised to, but in practice never did.

Jean-Lou Bersuder heads the photo department at Lebanon's An-Nahar daily newspaper. He too says he has experienced similar incidents to that of Mohdad in his work as a photographer.

"I once found my photo appearing in a magazine without permission. The publication had copied it from one of my books. When I asked them where they got the picture from, they said they didn't know," Bersuder told APN.

'Second-hand' and 'second-man'?

It is not uncommon to hear photographers working in the Arab world complain about their work being violated or at times even 'stolen'. Some photojournalists claim that their profession is considered a 'second-class job' in the region.

"I feel like newspapers in the Arab world often don't appreciate photography. It's as if they think that anyone can do it, like handing a camera to a local doorman, a natuur, asking him to take pictures to avoid paying the photographer," stressed Mohdad.

Ramsi Haydar, a veteran photographer with AFP in Beirut, told APN that photographers often tend to be 'the second man' after the writers, but perhaps more for financial reasons.

"A journalist needs only this", said Haydar while holding up a pen. "Photographers come with a lot of expensive equipment."

One journalist working at an English-language publication in Cairo further illustrated that claim. She told APN that due to budget constraints the writers are usually responsible for taking their own pictures when they're out reporting.

Photo free-loading

Since Perkins started his career as a photojournalist in 2001 he claims to have had several run-ins with free loaders, mostly bloggers.

"I've had my photos stolen a lot, but mainly by bloggers. It's annoying, but it's hard to chase them down so I don't bother. Sometimes it's actually funny, or nice, or interesting even that they choose to use my photos," he said.

Bloggers set aside; there is evidence that newspapers often take photos off the Web.

Berusder, head of the photo department at An-Nahar, remains sceptical to that claim, saying that the bad quality of online pictures often makes it hard for print publications to use them.

"The resolution of pictures available on the Internet is often too low for newspapers to use. You can immediately spot a picture that has been taken off the Net," he reassured.

Bersuder puts forth that the majority of newspapers in Lebanon have a photo department with the exception of a few publications. Most, he says, work with one of the large photo agencies such as AFP or Reuters, and several have staff photographers.

"Photographers working at international photo agencies rarely have their photos violated. That's, however, not the case for the rest," added Bersuder.

According to Douglas Okasaki, Art Director at Dubai's Gulf News, the copyright problems photographers face are 'not rare occurrences'.

"There is a lack of information about the use of photography in Arab media. Why do we still see pictures appearing in the newspaper without reference to the source or with a byline?"

He also pointed to blurred practices in the design and photo divisions of newspapers in the Arab region, adding that 'it's hard to find standard or professional procedures in the design and picture departments'.

Copyright controversy and technology leaps

One explanation to the issue might be what photographers claim is the 'vague implementation' of copyright laws.

"A robust copyright law exists in Lebanon, but it's hardly ever used," said Bersuder. "The judiciary doesn't seem to know when to apply the law. There has yet to be a court case in Lebanon on this matter". This confusion also discourages photographers to bring a copyright case to court.

Mohdad of the Arab Images Foundation echoed Bersuder's argument, saying that in his work with European and Arab media, he has only had problems with Arab publications, an issue he attributes to ambiguous laws.

"It's completely different working with Europe. No European publication has used my work without permission. There are stricter copyright laws in Europe and they actually use them over there," said Mohdad.

Perkins, who mainly works with European media, puts forth that general obstacles surrounding photography are not limited to the Arab world. Photographers everywhere have to deal with low salaries and high equipment costs.

"Day rates for magazine assignments haven't increased in Europe since I started in 2001. And the cost of living, not to mention digital equipment, has gone up. Now I'm expected to do what previously was the job of photo labs, for no extra pay," argued Perkins.

The development in camera technology has also complicated the work of photographers, adding fierce competition from all corners. Cheap digital cameras and mobile phones with built-in cameras now enable almost anyone to engage in photojournalism on their own initiative.

"With an adequate lens you can take good quality pictures even from a mobile phone. I remember how we for example used a fantastic picture from a man who had taken it with his cellular phone," said Bersuder.

The 'photography culture'

Obscure copyright laws and advances in technology left aside, photographers point to the need for change in what they call the 'photography culture' of the Arab region.

"It's like they think that it's 'normal' to pay for pictures in Europe because that's the practice there. In Lebanon for example, you have the notion that you can 'do anything'. No one will take you in the ear and pull you over to court for not paying for a picture," said Bersuder.

Haydar highlighted Lebanon's complicated political situation, saying that 'there is no time to deal with copyright laws when the country is without President'.

In terms of future prospects for photography in the Arab world, Bersuder emphasizes that while the implementation of copyright laws is important, photographers need also to look to themselves.

"Many photographers who are working for news publications are selling their pictures on the side here and there. This practice both hurts their reputation and drives down the market price of the pictures," he stressed.

Most importantly though, he said, photographers 'must remember to be skilled journalists above all'.

"A good news photographer is first and foremost a journalist. Just because you buy an expensive camera it doesn't mean that you are a good photographer like some think".

Perkins offered rather sceptical thoughts on the future, asserting that his profession has become a 'cheap industry' that he doesn't want to be part of.

"I'm considering calling myself an artist from now on," he concluded.

UNDP Arab Human Development Report Security first, occupation last

Fri, 18 May 2012 05:34:28 -0700

On Tuesday 21st the United Nations Development Program launched it's 5th Arab Human Development Report (AHDR). The independently prepared report was not presented to the public prior to its publication, but criticism began to surface even before it was released, both from researchers involved in the report and from observers.

Menassat.com

BEIRUT, July 24, 2009 (MENASSAT) � On Tuesday 21st the United Nations Development Program launched it's 5th Arab Human Development Report (AHDR). The independently prepared report was not presented to the public prior to its publication, but criticism began to surface even before it was released, both from researchers involved in the report and from observers.

"Wujohat Nazar" magazine (Perspectives), organized a two-day discussion session titled "Beirut Dialogue" to examine the flaws in the AHDR report after it was officially released in a ceremony in the Lebanese government's headquarters. The AHDR's main researcher, Dr. Mustafa Kamel al-Sayyed, publicly washed his hands of the report in protest of what he called "UN staff interferences and alterations to the AHDR."

The AHDR states, "In Arab countries, a widespread lack of human security undermines human development." The report admits the absence of security and its consequences, but its approach to the security issue has angered some researchers, which writer and publisher Samah Idriss called "the use of expressions that betray their belief in foreign occupation's claims," referring to the American occupation of Iraq.

Written by about 90 scholars and researchers, and commissioned by the UNDP, the report took around two years to complete. But it seems two years was not enough time for them to reach common conclusions.

A spokesperson for the UNDP in Beirut, Mona El-Yassir said, "The report does not reflect the UNDP's views or the program's officials' views," - a statement they might discover to be of great use amidst harsh criticism the AHDR is receiving. Even before it was published, the lead consultant of the ADHP, Dr. Mustafa Kamel al-Sayyed, withdrew his responsibility "in protest to the changes made by UNDP staff" which he described as fundamentally changing the intellectual structure of the report.

To better clarify his point, Idriss chose a phrase from page 167 in the English version which read,"In conditions of increasing chaos, the US-led multinational coalition was unable to discharge its obligations to insure the security of Iraqi citizens, many of whom disbelieved in the legitimacy, authority and mission of the foreign forces in their midst." This language, unfortunately, ignores the fact that the occupation is responsible for the death of hundreds of thousands of Iraqi lives and the massive destruction of a nation, as seen by the vast majority of the Iraqi and Arab public.

Dr. al-Sayyed, a political science professor at Cairo University and at the American University of Cairo, and the lead consultant and writer of the report, accused the UNDP staff of manipulating the report in a separate press conference he held in Cairo to explain his absence at the AHDR launch. Another contributor to the report, Dr. George Abi Saab, an Egyptian professor and international judge also boycotted the launch. Dr. al-Sayyed stated "changing the order of the chapters and moving the one on Occupation, military intervention and human insecurity from second, to the ninth, to follow environmental threats, marginalizes the dangers of occupation." He also said that he informed the director of the program of his rejection to these changes, and refused to take credit or responsibility for the report.

Dr. Sayyed's accusations are colossal for a study posing as objective, in a highly critical region. "The UNDP's report adopts the position that American occupation is less significant than providing food," Sayyed stated, in reference to Iraq.

Reports differ

Samah Idriss also addressed the biased approach of the report when it comes to Israel. The AHDP insists on presenting the conflict with Israel as a strictly Israeli-Palestinian issue, neglecting other major factors threatening Arab security such as "Israeli racial discrimination, displacing Palestinian refugees, the Israeli occupation of Shebaa farms, Ghajar village and Kfarshouba and the Golan, as well as imprisoning Arabs and refusing to discuss any reparations."

Regarding occupied Palestine, specifically the living conditions of the Arabs within Israel, Dr. al-Sayyed revealed that when writing the report, "He first addressed the conditions of Arabs in Israel but was told that Israel is not part of the Arab world, and that Israel will object if the chapter was published. So he decided to discuss the threat Israel poses to the surrounding Arab countries, but the chapter was dropped from the AHDR."

And when it came to Israel and the Arab world that was only the beginning. Participants in "Beirut Dialogue" mostly agreed that the AHDR is clearly biased. It names Iraqi and Palestinian resistance movements "militias," but when talking about the American occupation for example, the report uses ambiguous terms such as "policies of foreign forces."

Professor of Modern Arab Politics and Intellectual History at Columbia University, Dr. Joseph Massad, also spoke at "Beirut Dialogue," bringing up the question of why the AHDR excludes the Golan Heights from lands under occupation and said he hopes whoever wrote that in the report does not accept the Israeli Golan Annexation law passed in 1981 by the Israeli Knesset.

"The AHDR adopts the rhetoric and terminology used by the United States and Israel. The report did not mention American military intervention in the West Bank and Gaza by General Dayton gangs," he said. Dayton's role was explicitly brought into light when the head of Hamas� political bureau Khaled Mashaal openly called on US President Barack Obama to pull him out of West Bank.

Massad also brought to light some facts that the AHDR failed to mention altogether, such as the "U.S. military training offered to the armies in Egypt, Jordan and some Gulf countries, in addition to American military bases in these countries, as well as in Morocco and elsewhere."

Even more importantly, Massad noticed a variation between the English and the Arabic version of the report, regarding the reasons of the recent attack on Gaza. The English version is much harsher on Hamas, holding the organization responsible for Israel�s 22-day brutal attack on Gaza, while the Arabic implied a similar conclusion, though a bit softer. Massad also rebutted a journalistic source the AHDR used to say that Hamas used children as human shields - a source he found to be invalid. In fact it is Israeli soldiers who are giving statements these days testifying to orders they received to use Palestinian civilians as human shields.

The 288-page report is based on the assumption that "no human security indicators can be credible" without polls and research on the local and regional level, as stated in its 2002 version. But these local polls were in turn subject to governmental conditions- the Lebanese will be delighted to know that the AHDR was launched under the patronage of PM Fouad Siniora, largely responsible of the up to 50 billion dollars debt burdening the country, along with his former employer the late Rafik Hariri.

Indeed, such local research and surveys were conducted, but they didn't go unnoticed. Egyptian Al-Dostoor newspaper reported, "Morocco agreed to conduct the surveys, but requested the omission of questions about people's opinion about security forces, Kuwait in turn demanded it does not include interviews with migrant workers and to only interview Kuwaiti citizens, as for Egypt, they (research teams) never received a reply to their request, even after the report was concluded."

The original sin

The AHDR defines human security as "the liberation of human beings from those intense, extensive, prolonged, and comprehensive threats to which to which their lives and freedoms are vulnerable." If this is the case, why are the risks of foreign occupation downplayed, and placed at the bottom of the list of threats undermining the development of Arabs?

In fact, people in Iraq, Lebanon, Sudan, Palestine and Syria would probably burst out laughing to hear that occupation is in 8th place of risks endangering them.

The threat of occupation, which Dr. Al-Sayyed tried to examine analytically, was downgraded by a small group of employees within the Advisory Board of the UNDP, who apparently decided and enforced crucial modifications in the report, the most fundamental probably being placing the risks of occupation in 8th place.

They also completely dropped a chapter on identity conflicts in countries like Lebanon, Iraq, Sudan, Algeria and Egypt. The chapter was titled "Ticking Bomb in the Arab World" and explains that the number of victims of identity conflicts exceeds those of foreign aggressions, by far. This fact was also omitted from the final conclusions of the report.

A very important remark made by Dr. Mustafa Kamel Al-Sayyed might be useful to understand what is happening with this report, and with the previous one in 2002. "The United Nations Development Program reflects the point of view of the least democratic countries in the Arab world," he said.

Interesting, don�t you think?

Let�s look at, for example, what Khalid Saghiyeh from Al-Akhbar wrote about the origin of these reports. "To understand the buzz around the report today, we have to return to the original sin, the 2002 report, issued one year in the wake of the September 11th attacks, a first of its kind. The United Nations had never before issued development reports on specific regions. The intention of the report was clear: there's no political problem behind the world trade center in New York. Something else must be found. The philosophy of the report was clear also: there's a deficiency in the Arab world. It has to do with development. The deficiency must be repaired so the evil Arabs are turned into good Arabs".

If we were to agree, even from a chronological point of view, the first AHDR did come out in the wake of September 11th, and to remain objective, let us phrase it as such: the AHDR was meant to provide scientific studies and research on the realities on the ground, in order to build development policies for the world where the alleged 11 suicide bombers came from.

Let's give the floor to Saghiyeh again for a second. He continues, "Days go by, the report stops being issued when the political justification is gone, (by 2005). Suddenly, out of nowhere, it appears again this year to lecture us about security, while foreign military occupations and interferences, and their catastrophic consequences on the region are at the bottom of its concerns. The evil Arabs once again. Those who use their children in wars. What dream will save them this time round?"

As a Lebanese citizen, and as an Arab, I have always felt the two major threats to my own direct and strategic security, on all levels were the public debt of more than 50 billion dollars that my great grand children will live in poverty because of, and the Israeli aggressions that have never stopped, since before I was born. Buy hey, the AHDR 2009 "cover page is printed on 350 GSM coated-one-side paper that is chlorine-free
and meets the Sustainable Forest Initiative guidelines. Text pages are printed on 100 GSM uncoated white opaque, wood-free paper. Both cover and text papers are printed with vegetable-based inks and produced by means of environmentally-compatible technology."

This should make us all feel sustainable, and safer.

Unitarian Druze

Fri, 18 May 2012 05:34:28 -0700

The Druzes refer to themselves as Muwahidoun or Unitarians, with their formal origins in the 11th century, have remained a closed and highly secretive religious minority in the Middle East. They are perhaps one of the most misunderstood and understudied religious sects in the world. Most Druzes live today in mountainous regions in Lebanon, Syria, Israel, and Jordan. Taking all available figures into consideration, the Druze population is nearly one million with 40%-50% living in Syria, 30%-40% in Lebanon, 6%-7% in Israel, and 1%-2% in Jordan. In the U.S. there are approximately 20,000 Druzes.

Druze Origins: 1000 Years of History: Historians trace Druze origins to 11th century Fatimid Cairo where they began as an Islamic reform movement. The establishment of this reform movement and doctrine revolves primarily around several individuals, two of whom are Hakim and Hamza. A third individual, named Darazi, is thought to be responsible for undermining the doctrine and ironically lending his name to the sect itself. Hakim was the 6th Fatimid Caliph who became the head of the Islamic Fatimid state in 996 at the age of eleven. Although Hakim�s attitude towards the emerging reform movement that later became known as �Druze� is not fully discernible from available sources, he is regarded within the Druze manuscripts as the founding father of unitarianism. Among the reforms he introduced were resolutions to (1) abolish slavery, (2) prohibit polygamy, and (3) implement a form of separation of religion and state. While these reforms did not become part of orthodox Islam, the Unitarians "Druzes", as well as other Islamic sectarian movements, adopted them.

The connection between Hakim and the Druzes is best substantiated through the religious writings of Hamza, the second person associated with the Unitarianism "Druze" faith, who was appointed as a religious leader by Hakim. He is considered the main author behind most of the original Unitarians manuscripts. After a period of teaching philosophy and religion, Hamza began to organize followers, train missionaries, and write a religious doctrine. Prospective adherents were requested to pledge their loyalty to a form of strict Unitarianism (Tawhid), a reform doctrine with a new interpretation of some aspects of Islam and monotheism in general.

The resistance of the medieval populace to such interpretation, however, posed a grave danger for Hamza and his associates. One of Hamza�s subordinates, Darazi, seized the opportunity to take political control of the movement and proclaimed himself "Guide of guides� which was meant to elevate him over Hamza.

More importantly, Darazi began to falsify the doctrine of Tawhid by altering a number of Hamza�s writings. Prince Modad ultimately executed Darazi in 1019 Nonetheless, some of Darazi�s teachings were attributed to the Druzes by his followers, referred to as "Darazis.� Ironically, a few medieval chroniclers of the time not only failed to make the distinction between Druzes and Darazis but attributed Darazi�s doctrine to the followers of Hamza and argued that Hakim supported Darazi�s ideas. Other historians have reported that it was Hamza who was subordinate to Darazi, and still others have referred to Hamza and Darazi as the same person: Hamza al-Darazi. As a consequence, the name "Druze� became synonymous with the reform movement. Despite the ironic and misleading origins of the sect�s name, the title "Druze� never occurs in the Druze manuscripts of the 11th century. After the execution of Darazi and his collaborators, Hamza continued his preaching activities for two more years and the Prince Mo�dad Abu El Fawares estabished the Tanukhi dynesty in Moun-Lebanon. Among Druzes today, Darazi is known as a heretic and the uttering of his name constitutes the use of profanity.

Druze Society - Dualistic Structure: Although the structure of the Druze society helps unite them into a socially cohesive community, it also divides them into two main classes: "the initiated� known in Arabic as �uqqal, literally "wise,� who are familiar with the religious teachings; and "the uninitiated� known as juhhal, or literally "ignorant� who are not initiated in the Druze doctrine. Only those members of the community who demonstrate piety and devotion and who have withstood a lengthy process of candidacy are initiated into the teachings of the Druze faith. Women may also be initiated in the Druze doctrine. The Druze tradition considers women to be more spiritually prepared than men to enter such circles because they are considered less likely to be exposed to deviant or immoral practices such as murder and adultery.

The initiated male and female members of the Druze community are easily identified by their dark clothes and white head covers. They meet in the Druze house of worship called khalwa or place of solitude for recitation of the religious doctrine and other social and general community discussions. The initiated are further subdivided into a number of categories based on their level of advancement in religious knowledge. One group receives its status as the result of being considered the most knowledgeable and devout of their community. Known as ajaweed, or "the good,� these individuals occupy the most honored position in Druze society. Whenever issues concerning the conduct of adherents of the sect arise, the opinions of this religious elite are highly regarded. Other members of the community listen when the ajaweed speak, act according to their directives, and stand respectfully when they walk away. The ajaweed not only provide exclusive authority on Druze religious doctrine, they also prescribe the accepted cultural norms of the community, shaping its character and reinforcing the members� interactions within their families, villages, and with the rest of the world.
Uninitiated Druzes comprise the majority of the society. Though they are not familiar with the specifics of the Druze religious doctrine, their behavior is expected to conform with certain prescriptions, both spiritual (e.g. fealty to God and His prophets) and moral (e.g. respect for elders and honor for women). Those who are uninitiated may seek initiation at any stage of their lives, but their acceptance in the ranks of the initiated is based on their moral character and their conduct in the Druze community.

The interaction between the initiated and uninitiated provides a dualistic communal structure and facilitates the cohesiveness and unity of the Druze community in times of peace as well as war by shaping the social and political behavior of members of the Druze society. In this dualistic setting, religious leadership is generally provided by the initiated and political and military leadership is often exercised by the uninitiated. The initiated prescribe and model the accepted standards for the community while the uninitiated draw strength from, as well as provide protection for, the initiated and the way of life, beliefs, and values they represent. Druzes also exhibit what may be called "familial dualism� or dualism rooted in family relations. Druze families often form two competing factions behind two of the largest families or even behind two brothers or cousins within the same family. Each faction negotiates its own interests on behalf of the community, which generally benefits both sides; in Druze society, as in Middle Eastern culture in general, the priority of the family over the individual is predominant. Druzes build their houses when possible on land adjacent to their parents, and extended families usually remain in close proximity to one another. Decisions are often made in consultation with other members of the family on matters such as whether to buy a motorcycle, car, or truck, and, in previous centuries, whether to buy a horse, donkey, or camel. The more important the decision, the greater the number of family members involved in the decision-making process.

Druze Beliefs - Profoundly Monotheistic: Most monotheists believe in exoteric or literal meanings of their scriptures while some speak of esoteric or inner meanings. The mystical tradition in Islam, Judaism, and Christianity also attempts esoteric reading or interpretation of the scriptures. Druzes believe that both the Bible and the Qur�an have esoteric meanings in addition to the exoteric or literal ones. Moreover, Druzes also believe that above these two levels of meaning there is "the esoteric of the esoteric.� In Druze faith, there are prophets, helpers, and luminaries. Each fulfills a different function in achieving complete spirituality. For example, Druzes venerate the messages of prophets in the Judaeo-Christian and Islamic traditions, who preached the word of God in their respective lifetimes. Each prophet, according to Druzes, preached only a partial truth since humanity was not yet ready to receive the entire truth. However, underneath the exoteric truth lay the esoteric message. For each of these prophets, God provided a helper or assistant to propagate the doctrine of strict unitarianism and to interpret the esoteric nature of the message. For each period, Druzes argue there were also luminaries who taught these three levels of interpretations. The Druze doctrine contains rich examples outlining specific moral lessons and rules of individual and communal conduct that are found in approximately thirty manuscripts. Most scholars have mistakenly referred to only one single manuscript, The Epistles of Wisdom, as embodying the complete Druze scriptures. Some have included an additional two to three manuscripts. This writer has documented 23 manuscripts showing the impact and importance of each on Druze identity. For nearly 1,000 years, Druzes have preserved their beliefs and traditions as outlined in the manuscripts written between 1017-1043. Their doctrine and dualistic structure have persisted despite the changes that their community has undergone.

Lebanon, displaced persons

Fri, 18 May 2012 05:34:28 -0700

The return of the Displaced to their cities and villages of origin in Mount Lebanon might well be an endeavor that comes too close to a utopian project. Indeed, the populations concerned do not appear to have yet experienced the expected improvements in their daily lives. To an observer traveling along the roads of Lebanon's mountains, the views are quite sublime.

Seen from afar, the allure of the mountain villages reveal an impression of "renaissance" where almost everything seems to have been rebuilt. Surprisingly, one might even be led to believe that their inhabitants have returned to a state of relative harmony. Once you find yourself in the heart of the villages however, those very villages that were once stained with blood, you realize how deceptive the views are from afar. Up close, you are faced with skeletons of former concrete buildings and numerous houses under reconstruction. Discussions with the few local residents you find there expose a sense of despondency and general dissatisfaction with their situations, even though some have already been generously compensated. According to official figures, 85 % of all cases have been closed so far. Official reconciliation has been achieved in all except one area and two remaining villages. Additionally rare are the people, from all communities, who live year long in their actual villages of origin. The reasons behind this are as diverse as: the lack of job opportunities, schools, hospitals, public and social services. In summary, the core issues remain the absence of these services that a modern and democratic state should be granting its citizens.

In this context, we have witnessed the departure of Syrian forces, leaving a marked landscape void of what was once there, contributing to the desolated scenery and deteriorated houses. This turn of events has raised again the question of how to go about the mission of relocating the Displaced, in addition to repairing the damage that has been caused, while avoiding the pitfalls of the past. Recent history in Lebanon is a constant reminder for us that negotiations held between communitarian leaders have only resulted in pompous official reconciliations that do not suffice a new start for the humble citizens of this country.

Back in 1992, when the Ministry for Displaced People was set up, the government promised 20 million Lebanese Lira (about 13 300 US Dollars) for the construction of a house and 5 million Lebanese Lira (about 3 300 US Dollars) for renovations. These amounts were recently increased to 10 million and 30 million (about 6 600 and 20 000 US Dollars).

Not everyone asked or was able to ask for indemnities and as a result the funds were unfairly distributed. Some people took the first money installment and used it for something entirely different than rebuilding their houses. According to some villagers, your chances of receiving the money were greater if you belonged to a certain political party others, claimed the opposite.

Many families have taken over the apartments or houses of their neighbors who fled the mountains during the war and haven't set foot since. The current occupiers, who live in the fear of being evicted, are waiting for some financial compensation to move out and rebuild their own homes.

In the meantime, living conditions are pretty dire: most people occupying houses have no electricity, running water or sewage system. The half deserted villages in which they live don't have schools or any kind of public transportation to link them to nearby villages, let alone Beirut.

Added to the situation, animosity still runs high in the mountains despite the 1990 general amnesty law. Relations between the Christian and Druze communities are not completely mended. "We cannot forget" or "we do not want to forget" is a common stance in villages where reconciliation efforts have failed.

Beirut, March 14th...

Fri, 18 May 2012 05:34:28 -0700

The February 2005 assassination of former prime minister Rafic Hariri had resulted in public outrage and eventually the departure of the Syrian troops that had occupied Lebanon for the past two decades. Although a series of assassinations of anti-Syrian political figures had created a climate of fear, there
was a general optimism about the reconstruction and the future of Lebanon. The summer of 2006 was supposed to signal the return of Lebanon as a full-fledged tourist destination with 1,6 million tourists expected to visit the country.

Then, on July 12, 2006, the armed Shia fundamentalist group Hezbollah kidnapped two Israeli soldiers on the border in an attempt to force Israel into a prisoner exchange. Israel reacted with an all-out war against Hezbollah positions in the South but also launched a massive bombing campaign against Lebanon's infrastructure. The 34-day war caused more than 1,000 casualties in Lebanon, uprooted 1 million
people from the South and Beirut's Southern suburbs and caused billions of dollars of damage to the infrastructure and the economy.

The 2006 conflict exacerbated already existing tensions over Hezbollah's arms. Hezbollah - officially referred to as the Resistance - is the only militia in Lebanon to have kept its weapons after the civil war. The reason for this was the continued occupation of a part of South Lebanon by Israel. After Israeli troops withdrew from South Lebanon in 2000, some politicians started questioning Hezbollah's right to hold on to its arms. The matter gained urgency during and after the 2006 war; Hezbollah had ordered the kidnapping of the Israeli soldiers without consulting its partners in the Lebanese government.

At the same time, Hezbollah claimed a "divine victory" over Israel in the July-August war and started calling for a bigger representation in the Lebanese government. (Hezbollah wants a third of a new government of national unity which would give it a veto over any government decision, including the one to establish the Hariri tribunal.) When the other parties refused, the Shia ministers resigned and the opposition took to the streets in an attempt to bring down the Siniora government which it accuses of siding with the United States and Israel. Opposition activists have been holding a permanent sit-in outside the government's headquarters in downtown Beirut. The
government has so far refused to give in to the opposition's demands.

Roughly speaking, the Siniora government is supported by Saudi-Arabia, the United States and the European Union while the opposition, esp. Hezbollah, is aligned with Iran and Syria.

Assaoudia XXIe s.=XVe h.

Fri, 18 May 2012 05:34:28 -0700

Assaoudia show the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia as it is today, fifteen centuries after the emergence of Islam, despite the fact that the birth place of the prophet Mohammad was hermetic to photography until a year ago. Indeed, it is only in July 2005 that a civil law made the practice of photography legal in the kingdom, going as far as inviting tourists to travel to the country with their cameras.

Alors que l�Arabie Saoudite �tait la derni�re destination imaginable pour moi, un homme d�affaires saoudien, m�c�ne et collectionneur d�origine irakienne, m�offrit, lors d�une rencontre, la possibilit� d�organiser l�exposition de mes photos � Riyad.

Apr�s avoir r�uni les multiples papiers n�cessaires � l�obtention d�un simple visa de touriste, j�arrivai enfin � Riyad pour un premier rep�rage des lieux o� allait �tre expos� mon travail, Mes Arabies, pr�sent� dans le cadre du Festival inter-arabe : �Riyad, capitale culturelle dumonde arabe.� Durant cette visite, je fus pr�sent� aux responsables de la King Abdullaziz Library, et ils me firent visiter les lieux qui allaient accueillir mon exposition.

Mon deuxi�me s�jour en Arabie Saoudite fut, lui, officiel. Apr�s le vernissage de mon exposition, je pus prendre connaissance du fonds photographique constitu� par cette institution, et c�est l� que me vint l�id�e de cr�er un Centre pour l�image.

C�est ainsi qu�une ann�e plus tard, je m�installai avec ma famille � Riyad pour travailler � la conception et � l�installation de ce centre. Le d�fi pour moi �tait, premi�rement, de mener � bien mon mandat, c�est-�-dire d�installer une structure professionnelle consacr�e � la photographie malgr� la r�ticence et la lenteur d�une administration tr�s hi�rarchis�e ; deuxi�mement, de poursuivre mon travail photographique personnel et d�couvrir le pays le plus librement possible. J�employai beaucoup d��nergie � contourner la censure, � obtenir les autorisations indispensables pour photographier, et je dus user de toute ma diplomatie pour voyager avec des accompagnateurs impos�s par la Garde nationale.

J�ajouterai enfin que vivre et travailler en famille dans ce pays me permit de d�couvrir la vie quotidienne des familles saoudiennes et de fr�quenter le monde des travailleurs expatri�s. Je pus aussi faire des rencontres int�ressantes avec des femmes saoudiennes militantes qui se battent contre tous les interdits impos�s par les lois. Ainsi cette photographe qui organisa, en 1991, une manifestation pour que les femmes puissent acc�der au permis de conduire. A cause de cela, elle dut s�exiler pendant dix ans � New York, apr�s avoir v�cu l�humiliation de voir tous ses n�gatifs d�truits ou br�l�s par la police des m�urs !

Liban 22 ans... Lebanon 22 years...

Fri, 18 May 2012 05:34:28 -0700

Le Liban fut et restera un laboratoire o� les rapports intercommunautaires sont en quelque sorte test�s en permanence, afin de reproduire � une �chelle plus large les effets multiplicateurs de cette exp�rience. Un pays comme le Liban, en temps de paix, est un "scandale" intol�rable qui contredit et d�nonce, du simple fait qu'il existe, tous les autres r�gimes politiques du Monde Arabe, et principalement son voisin isra�lien, qui partage avec lui (ou lui dispute) le r�le de repr�sentant de la "civilisation occidentale", mais d'une fa�on radicalement oppos�e. Pour permettre une meilleure compr�hension de la derni�re guerre, je vais essayer de retracer l�histoire r�cente du Liban en cinq p�riodes cruciales dans le destin de la g�opolitique libanaise :

1�re p�riode 1985 �1989 la Vendetta. Le Liban se retrouve partag� entre les forces soutenues par le pouvoir de Damas d�un c�t� et Isra�l de l�autre, avec l�arm�e officielle libanaise prise au pi�ge entre les deux. Durant cette p�riode, la milice sunnite des � mourabitoun � est �limin�e pour c�der la place au clan Hariri et en parall�le, l��tablissement du Hezbollah comme facteur d�terminant dans la suite du conflit. La livre libanaise est d�valu�e � 1000% apr�s le retrait des fonds palestiniens des banques libanaise suite � la d�faite de l�OLP � Beyrouth et ensuite � Tripoli, mais aussi gr�ce � la g�n�rosit� de l�ancien pr�sident de la r�publique Amin El Gemayel qui a r�gl� une facture d�armements en cash pour le compte des marchands d�armes am�ricains. Ces armes ont servi surtout dans la guerre de la montagne face aux forces de Walid Joumblatt soutenues par les Syriens et les forces loyalistes. � la fin de son r�gne, le g�n�ral en chef de l�arm�e libanaise de l��poque, Michel Aoun, se d�clare pr�sident de la r�publique en instaurant un r�gime d�urgence et s�affronte avec les forces libanaises, la milice chr�tienne responsable du d�placement des habitants de la montagne. Selon un b�n�vole de la Croix-Rouge ayant v�cu cette p�riode sur le terrain � les combats �taient acharn�s, sans piti�s et sanglants� �

2�me p�riode 1989-1990 Guerres de lib�ration! Durant cette p�riode assez courte, les �v�nements se sont acc�l�r�s suite au vide constitutionnel. Le g�n�ral Aoun prend le pouvoir � Baabda alors qu�on assiste en m�me temps � l��lection du pr�sident Ren� Mouawad et � son assassinat, puis la d�claration de la guerre de lib�ration par le g�n�ral Aoun, guerre d�extermination entre l�arm�e libanaise d�une part et les forces libanaises de l�autre, pour la prise de contr�le dans la partie Est du Liban. En parall�le, le partage de la partie Ouest du pays entre le Mouvement Amal et le Hezbollah provoque l�extermination des forces palestiniennes dans les camps de Sabra, Chatila et El Bourj, situ�s dans la banlieue sud de Beyrouth. Durant cette p�riode, les forces loyalistes se partageaient le contr�le des quartiers de la capitale � l�ouest, chaque partie poss�dait une milice arm�e et de temps � autre des clashs sanguinaires se d�roulaient pour le contr�le d�une ruelle tout le long de la ligne de d�marcation. Le but de ces confrontations meurtri�res �tait sp�culatif, d�ailleurs chaque milice avait ses d�plac�s � reloger dans les immeubles des anciens quartiers du centre ville commercial tout autour de la place des martyrs o� le future projet immobilier "Solidere" allait voir le jour. Suite aux accords de Taef, la paix militaire est �tablie au Liban et ce fut la fin de la guerre civile.

3�me p�riode 1990-2004 l�amn�sie libanaise. C�est la p�riode la plus longue, b�tie sur des paradoxes et des r�ves utopiques. Suite � l�entente am�ricano-syrienne par laquelle la Syrie prend position pour les alli�s contre le r�gime de Saddam, les forces de l�arm�e syrienne �crasent la r�volte du g�n�ral Aoun et reprennent le contr�le de toutes les ressources du Liban. Durant toutes ces ann�es, les forces loyalistes r�gnent sous la tutelle directe de Damas. Suite au massacre de Cana perp�tu� par l�arm�e isra�lienne en 1997, le Hezbollah prend les couleurs de la r�sistance nationale face � l�arm�e d�occupation et dans la l�galit� de l�acte, lib�re le sud occup� en 2000. Depuis cette date le sud du Liban reste sous le contr�le du Hezbollah, soutenu logistiquement par l�arm�e libanaise, le Hezbollah a toujours l�ambition de reconqu�rir tous les territoires arabes occup�s par Isra�l. Arrive la manipulation constitutionnelle men�e par le pr�sident Lahoud et le vote de la r�solution 1559 aux Nations Unies. Le mandat de Lahoud, pr�sident loyal � la Syrie, est prorog� d�une p�riode suppl�mentaire de 3 ans, officiellement pour des raisons de s�curit� nationale, mais en r�alit�, pour les int�r�ts financiers syro-libanais. A partir de ce moment, l�opposition minoritaire forg�e au d�but de cette p�riode par le clan des perdants se voit grandir pour r�unir les ennemis d�hier.

4�me p�riode la naissance de l�Ind�pendance 05. Avec l�assassinat de l�ancien Premier ministre Hariri, le 14 f�vrier 2005 � l�affaire libanaise � prend une ampleur internationale. Le riche homme d�affaire Libano Saoudien �tait un ami du pr�sident Chirac et aurait financ� sa premi�re compagne pr�sidentielle. La Syrie est point�e du doigt comme responsable direct de ce crime, des vagues de manifestants guid�s par des chefs de clans politiques occupent la place des martyrs, y campent et demandent express�ment le retrait de l�arm�e syrienne du Liban et la destitution du pouvoir en place. Le 14 mars 2005, sur appel de toutes les forces de l�opposition plurielle, plus d�un million de manifestants se retrouvent sur la place des martyrs rebaptis�e pour l�occasion place de la libert�. Un seul drapeau, le libanais, et un seul slogan, Ind�pendance 05! Cette grande manifestation �tait une r�ponse provoqu�e par un rassemblement organis� par les forces loyalistes et du Hezbollah. Chaque clan cherche a faire d�monstration de sa l�gitimit� populaire en rassemblant ses fid�les en masse. Le 30 avril 2005, l��v�nement se produit : les forces arm�es syriennes se retirent du Liban ! Fait confirm� par des experts envoy�s par les Nations Unies, malgr� quelques incidents. Les �lections parlementaires se d�roulent dans une ambiance � d�mocratique extr�me �, � tel point que 30% des d�put�s on �t� r��lus d�office, faute de concurrence.

5�me p�riode, la mort de l�Independence05. Samir Kassir �crivain et journaliste au quotidien An-Nahar est assassin� le 2 juin � Beyrouth. L�un des principaux initiateurs du mouvement populaire "independence05", il �tait aussi le porte-parole des jeunes manifestants, dont beaucoup n�ont aujourd�hui pas encore atteint l��ge l�gal (21 ans) pour voter. Ils pensaient avoir gagn� la bataille avec la fin de l�occupation, malheureusement la guerre n�est pas finie, les m�mes acteurs occupent toujours la sc�ne politique, certains ont chang� de place et de r�le, mais au final, ils jouent tous la m�me m�lodie en harmonie� Quelles sont les raisons et les motivations des tueurs de la parole libre? Gibran Tu�ni et Pierre Gemayel seront les suivants sur la liste d'assassinats �tablie par les grands patrons de la mafia politique. Le rapport de la commission d�enqu�te internationale des Nations Unis sur l'assassinat de Hariri est finalement publi�. Reste � savoir quand le tribunal international sera �tabli.

Enfin arrive la guerre d�vastatrice de l��t� 2006, alors le Liban s�appr�te � recevoir une arriv�e en masse des touristes arabes, pr�cis�ment des riches pays du Golf. Depuis le d�but de l�ann�e 2004 le pays avait sombr� dans un marasme �conomique d�envergure, et que cette saison touristique 2006 �tait tr�s attendue. Avis� d�une perception de l�int�r�t nationale qui lui est propre, c�est ce moment que choisit le Hezbollah pour kidnapper deux soldats Isra�liens par une op�ration soigneusement pr�par�e � l�avance en plein territoire isra�lien, ouvrant ainsi les portes de l�enfer ! La guerre de 33 jours qui s�ensuit entre l�Etat h�breu et le Hezbollah libanais plonge encore une fois le Liban dans le chaos. Que dire quand la Syrie et l'Iran deviennent cyniquement les n�gociateurs d'une paix dont ils esp�rent tirer profit? Que dire quand la trag�die d'une population livr�e � une arm�e surpuissante, criminelle, dot�e d'une puissance de destruction colossale et lib�r�e de toute restriction �thique, est trait�e dans le langage officiel et m�diatique de "crise du Proche-Orient"?

Le bilan humain et mat�riel de cette guerre est d�sastreux pour le Liban. Les bombardements isra�liens y ont tu� plus de 1.800 personnes et en ont bless� des milliers d'autres, dont une �crasante majorit� de civils. Ils ont provoqu� l'exode d'un million de personnes, soit un quart de la population libanaise. Les d�g�ts caus�s aux infrastructures libanaises sont �valu�s � plus de 2,5 milliards de dollars, sans compter les pertes engendr�es par l'interruption durable d'activit�s commerciales et industrielles due au blocus naval, a�rien et terrestre qui se sont prolong�s au-del� de la guerre en elle-m�me, ainsi que la perte de la saison touristique.

Samer Mohdad

Mes Arabies / My Arabias

Fri, 18 May 2012 05:34:28 -0700

Mes Arabies "My Arabias" book is the first part of the Arab World Trilogy, published in 1999 by Actes-Sud in Arles, France... Assaoudia the second part, was published in 2005.

"My Arabias" doesn't exist in the dictionary nor in any other reference book. I invented it to satisfy my need as a writer who works with light. This light reflected on the realities of my world registers itself backwards in my mind's eye. These visions are my words based on a negative image, the fruit of a ten year inner voyage in the shadows created by the landscape of my feelings. I went searching for what I already knew.

The West is fascinated by the East because the mix of races coexisting in the Near and Middle East is very representative of the peoples of ancient times. The Arab world, however, is being slowly erased by a Muslim world. Unfortunately, Westerners believe that being Arab necessarily means being Muslim. What a mistake they make! Overloaded by the news media, our minds do not stop accumulating such falsities. Today, the television screen bombards our children with beams of light, and we have become guinea-pigs for experiments of light signals on viewers.

No, the Arab world is not closed to photography. Contrary to what many believe in the West, Islam does not forbid imagery. However, because photography is so intimate and personal, it lends itself to diverse interpretations which are also directly derived from its universality. Without freedom, no author can express feelings towards a subject, yet he should realize that his freedom should never infringe on that of others.

Everybody can take pictures, but to express oneself through light is more difficult. The arrival of numeric cameras confirms the fact that anybody can capture moments on a temporal support. Pictures have become a language. Photography has been widely practiced as a profession in Arab countries as elsewhere in the world, but there the photographer's rights are not acknowledged. It is undeniable that it is a region plagued by more important problems: war, lack of food for displaced persons, the construction of new infrastructure and so on... For me, it is absolutely necessary to memorize such moments and learn to read them. This will give us a better understanding of our situation and help guide us towards a constructive future.

The photographer is like the astronaut. One searches the sky for stars, the other searches his surroundings for reflections of memorable times to inscribe them in his visual memory and keep them registered on paper. The most difficult moment come when the photographer is faced with comparing what he really saw with the fixed image. In very rare cases, a printed black and white image printed can stir up a feeling stronger than the actual vision that was photographed. Much imagination and know-how would be required to relive the moment that vision was captured.

In all honesty, I am worried about the Arab world as it stands today. It makes me wonder more deeply about what it means to be Arab or European, Persian or Turkish... All of this is particularly insignificant in a region of the world where very early in the history of humankind, many nations succeeded one another and now live next to each other. How is it possible to define the Arab identity in our society when it is increasingly so narrowly identified with Islam?

I have made a great effort to accept realities without making any judgments. This has allowed me to adopt a better approach to understanding the problem that continues to feed the flame of hatred in the hearts of humans. If only we look at things simply, Islam is nothing other than the third monotheist religion born in this region.

The women of Jewish villages veil themselves as Muslim women do. A man dressed as a Bedouin is not necessarily Muslim; he can also be Christian. It is said that ten thousand years ago, we cultivated black wheat in the Kings' Valley, in what is today Jordan. For centuries, the Yemenis made the world believe that they fabricated their own incense and spices while they were really importing them from India and Asia. The Cananites, later called Phoenicians by the Greeks, had established trading posts throughout the Mediterranean region and the Middle East. The rules and laws used for commercial ends fostered cultural exchanges between the various peoples. Some of those influences continue to exist in our modern society. I would rather not delve into historical details, but I must say that during those travels devoted to taking picture, I came across many situations which were surely stolen from time.

I worry that in a few years, time will recover its place and we lose all our direct relations with the past. Ever thirsty for gold, we continue to use our bulldozers to excavate throughout the world sites that are otherwise rich in history.

Lebanon/Liban, Pollution

Fri, 18 May 2012 05:34:28 -0700

During last year's war between Israel and Lebanon, Israeli air strikes against a Lebanese power plant led to a major oil spill off the Lebanese coast. The United Nations says contamination levels along much of the coastline are returning to normal, but some of the damage done by the spill may be irreversible. The Lebanese government calls it the most significant environmental catastrophe in the country's history, coastal communities are still struggling with the spill's economic impact. It was very bad here before of the oil spill. The fishermen couldn't fish, the tourists couldn't come. People couldn't swim, and people couldn't make a living.

Israeli warplanes bombed the (unintelligible) power plants south of Beirut twice during the 34 day war with Hezbollah last summer, releasing a slick of heavy fuel oil that fouled some 95 miles of coastline.

In Byblos, some residents say the toxic stench of hydrocarbons emanating from the thick layer of sludge that coated this harbor drove them from their homes.
Just above the harbor is the impressive stone building that houses Pepe's de Byblos, the venerable seafood restaurant where the likes of Charles de Gaulle, Marlon Brando and countless other recognizable faces have dined over the years.
Josephine Nassir stands on the terrace filled with neatly laid, empty tables and said she's glad the fisherman are working again, but the tourists are still staying away. With a wry smile, she says given the news lately, bus bombings on the 13th of this month, a huge demonstration on the 14th, she's not surprised.

The United Nations Development Program reports the damage to Lebanon's water quality is probably temporary, but other impacts of the spill could be long-lasting. Environmentalist Wahil Hamaidin stands on a public beach in Beirut and describes the forces that keep bringing oil back after the beach has been cleaned. He says in the summer, the sea tends to pile new sand on the beach and suck it back offshore in the winter. So in the summer, a lot of sand piled on this beach above the oil, and then a new layer of oil coming. So it was a like a Black Forest cake, the sand here. One meter deep, you could see layers of sand and oil. Now in the winter, the sea pulls back the sand, and the layers start to show.

The U.N. and other experts held back from coming to Lebanon immediately after the spill because of the danger from the ongoing war. That allowed the oil to disperse, harden and sink into the sank or to the seabed. Hamaidin says despite heroic cleanup efforts, they've only managed to collect about five percent of the spilled oil. But he's proud of what has been done, especially the creative, low-tech efforts of local fishermen, such as the divers who literally rolled slabs of semi-hardened oil up like carpets and carried them off the sea floor.
The heroes in the clean-up of the oil spill are actually the fishermen themselves. They know the sea, they know how the water moves, so they were actually able, with little resources, to develop new techniques to do cleanup.

Many Lebanese want to see Israel pay compensation for the damages done, possibly by putting money into an Eastern Mediterranean oil spill restoration fund. Israel has rejected assertions that the attack that caused the spill was a war crime and has made no offer of compensation.For the many Lebanese who make their living from sea and shore, the coming spring offers a recovering coastline, but not a recovering political situation, suggesting another difficult tourist season ahead.

Lebanon, Protests & Sitting

Fri, 18 May 2012 05:34:28 -0700

Hezbollah partisans continue to occupy the city center, they come over from many parts of the country and manly from the miserable southern suburban area of the capital.

Ever since the July-August 2006 war, Lebanon's multi-confessional society has been sliding back into political, sectarian and religious conflict. The political discussions about the formation of a new government of national unity (an opposition demand) and establishing an international tribunal to look into the assassination of prime minister Rafic Hariri and other political figures (a government demand) has split the country in two camps. Both the government (formed by Sunni, Christian and Druze parties) and the opposition (the Shia resistance group Hezbollah and their Shia and Christian allies) have demonstrated that they can each get close to a million people on the streets of Beirut. This leaves another two million Lebanese who are rarely heard of, despite some well-meant initiatives such as "March 11", "LoubanwBass" (Lebanon and nothing else) that try to give a voice to Lebanon's silent minority/majority.

Lebanon's youth represents both the problem and the solution. As in many countries with political strife, Lebanese children and students are aggressively targeted by the political parties. This was illustrated by the tumultuous student elections at the American University of Beirut (AUB) and other universities in the fall of 2006. Even though political parties are not supposed to be allowed on campus, each and every student organization is in fact a mirror image of an outside political party. At AUB, a dispute over the counting of the votes resulted in street fighting and the massive deployment of riot police. How dangerous the current situation is, became all too clear on January 25, 2007 when a fight between a handful of Sunni and Shia students at Beirut Arab University (BAU) degenerated into a day of outright civil war with four people shot dead and more than 160 wounded, many by gunshots.

A few other factors increase the risk of renewed civil war in Lebanon. We are now seeing the first generation of kids who have no living memory of the civil war. Some of them seem to think that street fighting - such as we have seen on January 23, the day of the general strike by the opposition - is all in good fun. On a regional scale, there are fears that the bloody Sunni/Shia conflict in Iraq might be exported to Lebanon. When Shia and Sunni kids clashed on Beirut's Corniche Maazra on Jan. 23, one side was chanting "Iran" while the other held up posters of Saddam Hussain.

Protests and sitting in Beirut

Fri, 18 May 2012 05:34:28 -0700

LEBANON, Protests and Sitting, Beirut 03/12/2006

Thousands of protesters from Hezbollah, General Aoun and Suleiman Frangieh partisans manly Christians, on Sunday spent a second night camping out in central Beirut to protest against the Western-backed government.

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Fri, 18 May 2012 05:34:28 -0700

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